publish the Marco Rizzo report to the Workers of the evening Saturday, June 7 at the CSOA intifada, organized by the Coordination Unit for the Communists - Roma Est
Why did it happen? Since the end of this left, for a new phase of charged proletarian, for the construction of the Communist Party.
This is an era of complex and profound changes. Perhaps there has never been another period which has concentrated in such a short time such a high rate of technological change, culture, communication, and the same "common sense" of social life. The future is less predictable, and this happens mainly in the countries and peoples for the richest, the ones with strong traditions and plausible certainties in substance in the industrialized West, but especially in Europe and certainly in Italy.
capitalist globalization is the result of international economic and political decisions concerning the liberalization markets and transnational investment, there has always been true in an attempt to focus more and more control of capitalism, but in the recent past production processes were essentially national basis, today the "total" has been allocated at planetary building a new class with a single dimension, the international one. In this sense, the unfolding of the contradictions facing economic, social and environmental issues which emerge in the world, national policies have shown all their weaknesses. These changes have fundamentally altered the conditions of class, especially in the West causing clean break not only in the comparison between materials and forms of work, but also in the perception of identity and class consciousness itself. We see them all the boys to "vat" with the jacket and tie to think that new entrepreneurs and not see new solution for the level of exploitation rights without which they are subjected.
E 'right into this context that Italy has taken place in the left end of the first in ideal conditions and cultural, political representation and then.
some time now in our country is the economy that dictates the rules and sets the context to everything and everyone. In a society where only the triumph of competitiveness, the primitive law of the market and the exaltation of winning, you can not then be surprised if the right wins. Why
workers and the most vulnerable population not only vote but also between the left-most of them have lost almost the same options as the credibility of anti-capitalist and communist?
At the end of the 60 angry workers against a left strong but still "lukewarm" towards them and against a union is present but not sufficiently militant, forced either to become decidedly more militant. It came the season of the 'hot autumn "and" workers' power ", which many social conquests and civil rights led. Today, however, between "our people" the bitterness is such that entire sectors of the proletariat feel lost and cling not to possible solutions of their deep distress, but negative values \u200b\u200band lifestyles that they "console" artificially territorial identity, security, individuality and demonization of the other. The children of the suburbs
collect immediately the concept: the loser is lost, count the money and has only to do it, no matter how, as an alternative if the counts look strong and ruthless., So you have the new generations that are divided between The "Trees" for a few and the "bullying" and the practice of "pack" for many.
An end to violence himself, taking in the suburbs unlikely Nazi rituals, but in the end, everyone returns with the latest mobile phone model in their crumbling houses on the edge delle città, miseri appartamenti con tre televisori sempre accesi, nessun libro e soprattutto nessuna solidarietà e nessuna socialità.
Falsi miti di un "arianesimo straccione" che producono disvalori e arroganze, angosce e miseria. A nessuno deve essere consentito di consumare una nuova generazione nella vecchia pratica degli "opposti estremismi" invece che nella lotta al capitale!
La globalizzazione capitalistica comporta da parte dei poteri forti - finanza, élites economiche e politiche, comunicazione - il totale abbandono dei territori di periferia, di quasi l’intero mezzogiorno e di tutte le comunità proletarie, e mentre questi limiti e contraddizioni si manifestano, la competizione interimperialistica si evidenzia nella instabilità internazionale e nella guerra, intesa appunto come unico "mezzo" per risolvere le controversie politiche. E dentro questi processi, la sinistra dov’era e dov’è? Purtroppo inseguiva ed insegue il "nuovismo", ed in questo profondo processo di sradicamento, invece di riconquistare i territori abbandonati a se stessi, invece di ricompattare le comunità distrutte, si è al contrario impegnata ad apparire moderna, liberal e non violenta. Sí! Era contro la globalizzazione, ma guai ad apparire anche un poco critica nei confronti del processo d’integrazione europeo. Sì! Era contro la guerra,ma ma mai contro fino in fondo alle cosidette "missioni di pace" dei governi di centrosinistra.
A left that is essentially flat on a comfortable institutional privileges and claims for a rational bourgeois rights, claiming objectives rather than engaging in daily life.
sections of the Communist Party in Turin and in the North, during the internal migration of the '60s and '70s, they became sites for new community organization and peasants removed from the South, were the times when people shouted: "North South united in the struggle. "
As sections of the same party, during the terrible earthquake that hit the Friuli and Irpinia, set in motion an extraordinary machine of help and solidarity, as one form of militancy still intervene effectively in every part of struggle: the mainland to the arid countryside. But today we protest in words, and less and less, against the work that is not there and killing, job insecurity and xenophobia, as we would really need answers to new alternatives that involve "our people", built forms of solidarity as well as organizational networks.
Fascists and the right to make "rounds", give answers and ineffective repellents, but the left do you propose? Think about the rights for the construction of a mosque is good, but not enough!
would be better to build awareness of trade union rights and class of immigrants, to help individuals in their transformation from new entrants to the conflict. Only in this way become part of us and nothing else from us.
The reception is a noble practice of Catholics, the Communists must establish a more strategic relationship with immigrants exploited. Capitalism has changed, and changed the world and Italy, but unfortunately we do not realize that you have now a "third world" principle as one forgets very current theory of "industrial reserve army" who is now just another skin color.
We open our pages are now rare, turn it into places of struggle, solidarity, social cooperation because it is from these "holes" in the suburbs came the crisis of democratic representation of the left and the communists. There was
was a similar plan would not have lost Rome, and instead have resubmitted and agreed to resubmit the "surrogate" Rutelli, in a model of small privileges of the political class of the left on one side and a model of control over the city, founded in alliance with the builders and financial speculation on the other.
White Nights festival and the film did not give some answers to the suburbs, whose living conditions have been deleted in terms of job destruction, environmental, psychological and individual.
After the war, the strong limit that was opposed to capitalism was organized resistance by the workers' movement which manifested itself through the struggles and achievements and also with a common sense of identity too strongly in everyday life.
The Communist Party, the unions and the movements were different forms of representation that had the task of safeguarding and consolidating the strength of workers, only the trenches of society against the violence of the capital.
The evolution of capitalism, combined with the contradictory fall of the "socialist camp" and "betrayal" of the political class of the left led to a yield of contracted capacity in the world of work and allowed the emergence of a form of "dictatorship "capital: the logic of profit no longer has to comply with any law, there is nothing that can contain it. The precarious
became the only form of work since the capital no longer needs to negotiate anything (see the end of the national labor contract, also wanted by the majority of the CGIL), while the whole scene is now completely Americanized institution with two oligarchic parties and just as prophesied plebiscitary boss Licio Gelli P2.
The head of government and the opposition praising each other, while the majority and the opposition that they will agree on virtually everything. This also happens because in the last fifteen years, the "left" could govern several times (and was just as well try it, perhaps without going to accept the war against Yugoslavia on which must make a sharp self-criticism)) but the result was that each time was able to just keep the action of the right, decreasing every social defense, to become an instrument of submission to profit. It 'happened twice in the Italy of the Prodi as well as in Blair's Britain and Germany to Schroeder.
"Democracy means power to the workers," read a slogan of the early '70s, when the balance of power in society seemed to turn for the better for the working class. It was a formula a little rough, but actually made good sense for the request: Democracy is the place where workers can walk into the capital, counting on their organized forces, and at the same time the company can maintain a relative autonomy from the economy of the predatory profit.
For too long we have been unable or choose not to identify the left and right in relation to capital and labor, and why should we now talking about reconstruction, not strictly adhere to ideas, content and organizational forms that take into account this hard lesson? Why should we regret this left, when was the government (think of the last two years the Prodi government with nearly a hundred deputies and senators communists) has not even been able to eliminate one of the laws Berlusconi, nor has it been able to prevent the massacre of business of the TFR, Welfare and pensions? Not to mention the Atlantic and European subordination to the imperialist war! Why should we rebuild a sinister and even more if a new Communist Party based on an analysis of past mistakes? So you have not build a new political class self-representation, which no one feels the need, but a new structure of resistance and attack in the service of the new working class.
Today, the work is broken and in addition has become a commodity like any other. Where once there was a single contract with a company union, today there are ten, from part-time temporary work. Where once there were the productive sectors, agriculture to services, there is now a "mucilage" productive.
The work is not broken politically or visible or audible. This is rather the ideological and identity between old and new jobs that must be restored.
Ask a severe criticism to "work as a commodity" means straight talk, and that is to remind legislators of both center-left of center, that if a car or a refrigerator can be replaced or scrapped so you can not do with the people in flesh and bones. Which unfortunately happens in laws and labor relations that inform the world of work today.
It's about building a "red line" that links all work situations, through political capacity to offer a "focus" around which to build, to combine the richness of experience, representation and social movement that the contradictions of today's world of work are emerging with great potential to fight, it is the unions representing the workers and the conflict and then becomes a key decisive engagement on union representation also based on the principle "one person, one vote", pace of a confederal unions aimed at ensuring its own reproduction.
Doing this also means to establish an idea for a new beginning.
long as you do politics, or more simply go to vote, to meet the individual, will always win the left or right will prevail false, because the craft is right "to speak to the belly of the people and give voice to the self-interest." However, when you return to the military for the "common good" for the community and thus an idea of \u200b\u200bthe political left will return a true if not at least win the fight and to thrill.
For this you need to attack those hard, especially on the left, continue to praise the free market. Here in Italy who does not even notice that this is not even the best are selected, so it's almost the opposite rule. Just look at the elites of the professions are not of social mobility (if you're a child of a worker the worker do if you son of a notary seguirai la professione paterna). Addirittura nel mezzogiorno ed in altre parti del paese esiste una sorta di società "al contrario" dove sono puniti gli onesti e premiati i delinquenti.
Per non parlare della critica che bisogna fare al capitalismo in quanto responsabile del collasso ambientale del pianeta, una sorta di "comunismo salvatore" si imporrà prima o poi
per la sopravvivenza, perché il pianeta ha dei limiti, le sue risorse non sono infinite. Questo
è uno dei motivi innovativi che anima la "rinascita" del continente latino-americano.
Seguendo la irriducibile lotta di Cuba e della rivoluzione castrista, le classi dirigenti di larga
parte di quelle immense terre hanno scelto il socialismo del XXI secolo, Chavez to
Morales, Correa through up to Lula, are all engaged in this courageous
process of emancipation from the USA and greedy and destructive model of development
Yankees. The PCI
grew larger when he left the ideological character in favor of the software? It will also be partly true, but they were certainly other times, other power relationships and then those who tell us that the disaster of today is not born from there, that is, since the advances of the "contamination" of Bolognina favored the almost complete replacement of cadres of proletarian origin from the resistance of the bourgeoisie with young people?
And then always look back Is it not true that the progressive clouding of the different communities and the gradual integration of PCI in the logic of the "party system" led the way, between 1976 and 1979, with the governments of "national unity" at the beginning and the consolidation the "genetic mutation" of that party? It will not be a coincidence that those events were perceived as a "betrayal" by those that! June 5, 1975 (the date of the conquest of large cities: Turin, Rome and Naples for the first time they had a communist mayor) had combined for the first time to PCI.
historian Giorgio Galli wrote "... in that time, the choice astensionistica than the government by the PCI - ambiguous disappointing and however you want to consider - was just as innovative drive was raging in Italian society, than just the vote of the administrative policies of 1975 and 1976 was confirmed. This story welded to the frustration of the PCI-based militants of the new left without "recover" the conservative groups (for which the role of PCI can not be in opposition and never be entitled to govern or participate in any form of a parliamentary majority). "Who knows what this will weigh almost juvenile in adherence to the phenomenon of mass terrorism on the left.
It 's highly likely that the margins provided by the Kejnesismo policies redistribution of PCI have been sharply reduced and then disappeared altogether with the arrival of new technologies and, most importantly, neo-liberalism that can not stand even the slightest social reform policy. It will not be a coincidence that in the decade from 1968 to 1977 the strong movement sought, with a strong social conflict, to delay that wave of privatizations and free trade that, in Italy, arrived at least a decade later than the almost all other European countries.
In the coming years was destroyed, brick by brick, piece by piece, each bastion of idealism and political Pasion. Even the symbols gave way to the new totem of pragmatism and governance. What happened in April 2008 but it was something more than the lack of a symbol, of course essential, as the "hammer and sickle." What was missing and instead was based on which the right was the strength, consistency, the beauty of an ideology of redemption of the weaker ones that no longer exists today.
fact to return to the days of "nuovismo" in PCI, times when many have worked to crash every glimmer of proletarian identity, since then, negative in the way it was all covered. If a worker for over twenty years of the North say that ideologies do not exist anymore, if every time that governs the left is a pension reform that cares, if you take away the severance pay, if the union delivers a more concerted and finally, if you do also represent plastically by managers as Rutelli and Fassino Bertinotti is not that difficult to make a simple quell'operaio reasoning and say, "I do not defend more, I represented the most, at least the taxes that I pay too inefficient for a state, let me here" and therefore also the League votes. The unpopularity of Prodi's government was too.
In the last two years of government because this process has multiplied indefinitely, then it certain assumptions of the disaster. While workers, temporary workers, pacifists, young people of Genoa, the people of the Val di Susa and Vicenza have felt betrayed and abandoned. Yet
signals it had arrived! The boos directed at union leaders at Fiat Mirafiori were in fact a symptom of a working class that no longer felt rappresentatala by a left that "both said and did nothing." At best, were "screaming" on the news agencies quickly quelled by "reassuring" interviews in which he remembered that "we will never topple the government."
Remember that on June 9 last year, when as the headquarters of the "radical left" he found himself in Rome in a deserted Piazza del Popolo, just as our people, in over one hundred thousand people had wisely chosen to demonstrate against Bush, beyond the claims of subordination and compatibility with the "government"?
And then the signal given by the last great event of October 20: one million to the streets to ask the two Communist parties on the government to prove their identity, commensurate with their "social utility" in the battle against bad protocol on pensions and Welfare!
And even there no understanding of what was happening, then again the short-sightedness on the abolition of the "hammer and sickle" and what it represented, and finally came the tsunami.
Now we leave, but please, do not make more mistakes!
Space is short, but some truths we can remember in a few lines: the institutional left was the victim of the "useful vote"? In some part, because notandosi little difference between the PD and Rainbow, many voted for the original (especially with the majority premium) and not a photocopy. But even the People's Party was threatened by the useful vote, and it has got even more votes. So what? Of course, many other students did not vote, some have chosen the PCL and Left Criticism, but just when you lose in all directions, the problem lies not only in the absence of credibility of the project but also in management teams that have "grown".
To prevent any further leakage to an alley permanently "Blind", we remember with "common sense" that the rainbow was not the only choice in the field and really put all our energy to share with an option actually against the Americanisation of anti-capitalist politics, thus recognizing the need to be totally alternative to PD.
On a positive note after the disaster of the Rainbow is the major appeal for the unity of the Communists. Positive because it meets the need for a quick comparison between public need and the realities of anti-capitalist left in Italy. The appeal will be even more effective if instead of close in on a sacred quest for identity will also di costruire una controtendenza organizzata e coerente, senza sottrarsi in alcun modo a rivedere le contraddizioni accumulate e non risolte in questi ultimi vent’anni.
In tal senso una riflessione approfondita la merita la questione dell’Europa,dove la borghesia, soprattutto dopo l’unificazione tedesca e gli accordi di Maastricht, si è mossa consapevolmente e in modo organizzato per realizzare il suo progetto. E’ intervenuta con forza e determinazione in tutti gli aspetti essenziali dell’economia e della società. Ha dedicato grande attenzione alla questione della formazione e dell’e- ducazione, con la «strategia di Lisbona» e con le successive direttive nel campo della formazione. Ha regolamentato competition, with all systems of authority and guarantor, has intervened on employment contracts, asking for full competition between the workers and flexibility.
not brutally rejected immigrants, but required a discipline and their integration within the EU conditional. Puritan Culturally, this bourgeoisie always prefer some regulation (in some cases up to the excess of the standard-setting production of some or safety rules), rather than the capitalist jungle. In this sense the model of European capitalism is rather far from the U.S.. This model was basically well expressed by Prodi in his book on Europe a few years fa, in cui coniava la formula del «liberismo temperato».
Il nucleo storico della grande borghesia europea, quello che ha cercato di tessere le fila del progetto di costruzione europea, con la brusca accelerazione dell’ingresso di dodici nuovi Paesi tra il 2005 e il 2007 (di cui ben dieci appartenenti all’ex blocco socialista), si è mossa e si muove lungo direttrici di prudente e controllato sviluppo capitalistico, teme i grandi sconvolgimenti, adopera la BCE come strumento importante di controllo dell’inflazione, vuole bilanci in pareggio (i parametri di Maastricht). La borghesia europeista si fonda ancor oggi più sul capitale industriale che non sul capitale della speculazione finanziaria, che però avanza strongly. It aims at making Europe the stable area (a sort of enlarged Federal Republic of Germany ...) free from monetary and financial storms. The German and French bourgeoisie - the Benelux countries - will leave behind a century of instability, wild inflation, unemployment out of control, which could contribute to waves of protest or the resurgence of populist phenomena as well as Nazis and Fascists. The policy of the European capital is limited aggressive military policy with a moderate but growing. It is a middle class that wants to rule peacefully, "quietly" sitting on its capital. The major storm that passed through it was the collapse Eastern countries with the disintegration of states and the Yugoslav wars of the nineties. But, despite uncertainties and errors, particularly in Yugoslavia, it has managed, after fifteen years, to absorb Eastern European states, to the point of requiring all my
their economic transition regulated according to the parameters of monetarist Maastricht. Without any particular shots of the theater, the bourgeoisie Europe has managed to address the most serious crisis of the Second World War, a regiment of the upheaval in Eastern Europe companies, making attractive the prospect of the EU. All candidates requires the right of the EU and its rules.
Among these rules is long suggested an anti which recently led to the outlawing of the youth organization of the Czech communists (the third party in the nation), all'incriminazione the leaders of the Hungarian Communist Party and shame the law with which the Polish government forced all corrupt ' autodenuncia citizens who had taken positions in the period of state socialism. (The most dramatic moment of crisis in Europe was that the annexation of East Germany, the European partners have had to digest, agreeing to pay the costs).
However, this model could be tempered liberalism today with choices dramatic social and unpredictable shocks. The bourgeoisie-European has so far failed to promote development. Countries such as Ireland and Spain have experienced strong rates of growth through investments in Europe. She managed to integrate different areas. She has set standards in education, in patents, in product safety, has regulated the market. In short, the Brussels bureaucracy has done pretty well ... But now his work will become more difficult.
In terms of international politics, the middle class European Economic Community is interested in the imperialist penetration in all areas of the planet, and its bullets are capital, technology and market, and not yet open war and direct. It participates with stabilization forces in areas of conflict, but not to develop - because they do not have the classic structure-militarism. Rather, it needs an army of emergency all over the world - capable of deploying within twenty-four hours with 60,000 troops trained and equipped - to impose stability.
It is basically foreign to the old forms of colonialism, that is of direct occupation of a territory, which assumes the administration. It is concerned with stability and control, which might seek to impose by force of arms. For its current economic structure, the EU has no solution in the war for the economic crisis, he prefers to participate in missions' of pace» che puntano a una pressione militare sul tipo della missione in Libano. In ciò essa diverge dagli USA, ma ne è speculare rispetto alla scelta di comando. La grande borghesia europea ha cercato di costruire il suo potere economico e politico sviluppando il ceto medio, per averlo come alleato contro l’insorgenza del proletariato.
Al capitale europeo preme la stabilità sociale e questa può essere solidamente garantita da un ceto medio piuttosto soddisfatto della sua condizione, in modo da divenire calamita anche per la piccola borghesia e il proletariato. Il modello ideale di rapporti sociali della borghesia europea è la naftalina, la decongestione del conflitto, il sindacato corporativo e consociativo.
L’esplosione sociale va evitata e, se non è possibile, isolata, chiusa da un cordone sanitario.
Non a caso i modelli vincenti di relazioni sociali e politiche nella UE sono stati quello democristiano e quello socialdemocratico, spesso complementari. Si tratta di un riformismo o liberismo temperato, di un gradualismo di una borghesia che aborre l’estremizzazione del conflitto, che è disponibile alla concessione untuosa e fumosa, che preferisce vincere per governare a lungo piuttosto che stravincere mettendo totalmente in ginocchio l’avversario di classe. Che va invece narcotizzato.
Da queste idee, da queste progettualità nasce in Italia il Partito democratico. L’Europa si muove come se fosse un’isola relativamente felice, protected from future storms that are about to erupt. It has expanded its domestic market, its GDP grew slightly, but steadily, social conflict is limited and regulated, no one is shaking up the political horizon and the ECB governing money and facing the moderate inflation by a modest increase in rates discount. The euro held and the exchange rate with the dollar share is above 1.50. EUROPE is back for the bourgeoisie to turn the issue into a full-fledged state what is now something more than monetary and customs union, but much less of a nation that can intervene in the international arena with its own foreign policy.
The draft treaty for a Constitution europea è stato respinto dalla Francia e dall’Olanda nelle uniche consultazioni popolari referendarie che si sono svolte. Era pretenzioso e farraginoso, sostanzialmente neoliberista. Era l’espressione più autentica del volto del capitale europeista, dei freddi «gnomi» di Bruxelles, custodi della stabilità monetaria, della regolamentazione del conflitto, del controllo sociale. Manca a questa Europa una legittimazione popolare. Nonostante la UE sia fortemente presente nella economia e nelle regolamentazioni, nonché nella scuola e sanità, essa è distante anni luce dai cittadini che in essa non si riconoscono. È uno «strano animale». La grande borghesia europea – al pari dei moderati nel Risorgimento Italian - wants to make the domestic market but without the support of the masses, which are considered dangerous. Everything takes place in the secret rooms of the euro-bureaucracy Peist, but it certainly does not build a European people. All modern states were born from a war or a national uprising, a revolution. The EU was born cold, with diplomatic agreements between heads of state. It lacks the "soul of the people"!
How come the communists facing the European Union? Should clearly take note that European integration was not the product of a progressive thrust of the masses, but the result of summit agreements Western diplomats, led by the great industrial and financial capital. Questa UE è l’unione dei capitali, voluta dai capitali, molto meno o nient’affatto l’unione dei popoli.
Sulla base di ciò, alcuni partiti comunisti ed anticapitalisti sono critici, altri si battono decisamente contro la UE, altri ancora sono per un recupero dello Stato-nazione, unico a essersi costituito – generalmente – sulla base di un movimento nazionale e popolare.
La politica dei comunisti nei confronti della UE potrebbe essere analoga a quella che essi hanno nei confronti della grande industria: non ne propongono la distruzione luddista, ma il rovesciamento della sua direzione. All’Europa dei capitali va contrapposta l’Europa dei popoli, che bisogna costruire analizzando però the existing political power relations in the twenty-seven countries in Europe, so favorable to the right and the bourgeois reformists, so you need to commit at this stage, at least in Italy, to work in strong contrast to the policies of EU unity.
participatory democracy and class conflict are our flag and we should expand links and acting class of communities across the continent. And 'now an indispensable form of consultation and coordination between municipalities, starting in Europe. Not so much, purely and simply to create a new international-Communist, but because the comparison and a point of view of action, shared among the community is a goal oggi necessario e possibile da conseguire.
I punti principali dalla nostra riflessione, oltre all’impianto classico di critica al capitalismo mai così in crisi come oggi, proseguono ricordando quanto mai sia attuale la questione comunista, a partire dalla considerazione di chiusura "dell’anomalia del caso italiano". Per cui si passa dalla Bolognina del 1991, quando "un italiano su tre votava ancora comunista" al 2006, solo due anni fa, dove chi votava i due partiti comunisti era superiore ai 3 milioni di unità, ad oggi con l’apocalisse dell’arcobaleno.
Se non cominciamo da questo non riusciremo a spiegare ma nemmeno a raccontare gli ultimi due anni disastrosi di partecipazione al governo. L’applauso Final (bipartisan, with no exceptions) to Mastella was paradigmatic of this parable is not only governments.
"The Minister of Justice goes all human solidarity and an act of policy coherence, high sense of the institutions and the rule" a headline indeed agency Ansa on 16 January at 12:25 in the name of a Communist group in Parliament!
There are four main points on which to focus our analysis and our commitment:
The anti-imperialism. Against the U.S., the dominant one, but also that of Europe, rising. Just consider the troops from Afghanistan but also from Lebanon.
The world of work will be at the heart of politics as nullifying the central axis of the conflict between capital and labor, without forgetting the old and new forms of gender discrimination and sexual orientation, and the battle for the secular state. The total
necessary and alternative nature to PD, as a result of the analysis for which this party, nell'americanizzazione policy, is the most functional to the powers that be, characterized as it is in the drugging and subsequent neutralization of class conflict.
The formula of the appeal to the Communists, as the Communists placed anywhere, without exception. All take a step back to build a collective leadership intent on a true replacement substantial and generational.
Last but not least, it is noted that, with the victory of the right, the ruling classes of our country in addressing the crisis of capitalist overproduction el'accesa international competition, are working to build a system in which each residual space of political freedom is destroyed in a sort of scaling of the areas of formal democracy and entry into a new "authoritarian democracy", which aims to destroy the welfare state and that is definitely hitting the unemployed, assistance, pensioners, the struggles for housing, resources for disability.
On the one hand the formation of the Democratic Party, the other, the final acceptance of the consultation by the leadership to form confederations, union partner as reliable and unique to the table with government and employers.
In this context, highlight problems relating to control more and more pervasive in the world of mass communication, not as subservient to political Berlusconi, in the way of being and thinking, "Berlusconi", which is becoming the common sense of very large masses, no longer be countered by a "more thought". A Berlusconi wins in politics, but triumphs in the usual sense of the mass with negative values \u200b\u200bthe effects of which are under the influence of all. These policies inevitably
also pass through scelte militari, poliziesche e repressive, con cui, nel panorama globale si accetta il ruolo imposto dall’imperialismo come "fase suprema del capitalismo" e, nel nostro paese, si tende a criminalizzare ogni barlume di opposizione sociale, alimentando le guerre tra poveri e sovradimensionando il pericolo della manodopera immigrata, nonché mantenendo inalterata la crisi ed il collasso del Mezzogiorno, ormai definitivamente in mano alle grandi organizzazioni criminali che sono spesso un tutt’uno con la finanza, l’economia e la politica.
Stabilità dei governi, politiche repressive della sicurezza e tavolo della concertazione sindacale saranno i punti del paradigma di "normalizzazione" reazionaria del paese. Tutto ciò to be outside will be considered incompatible or even outlawed. The first to pay the price will be the first movements of struggle that, in recent times have been the only point of reference for an anti-proletarian opposition to the policies of both governments and those of center-of-center.
will then be given a strong defense of constitutional democracy. Broke the democratic balance with the introduction of the "majority", any further slippage in departing from the institutional constitutional pact, must always be read as an attack on republican democracy. Majority, double shifts, roadblocks, bipartisan, presidential etc.. are incurable wounds democracy born of the Resistance. The parliamentary system with proportional "one person, one vote" must be our bar by which to judge any action to change the institutional framework. To start you first need a
ideological edifice to date.
The word ideology can disturb and then you talk about ideas, projects, purposes and symbols. But in the end we always come here.
We need a draft narrative designed for Italy, we have to talk to the majority of the population, knowing that we are the minority (but not minority) for a long time. And this regardless of the elections, it is indeed necessary a project of "long-term average," to restore dignity to the practice of anti-planning and practice to a community as a socially useful by the new proletariat, which now comprises the majority of the population.
identity to which we refer is undoubtedly to be found in the history of ideas and the struggle of the Italian Communist Party, but not only in this party. Many other political groupings, although less relevant, guidance municipalities, and the new left, not to mention the original experience of the Communist Refoundation, have contributed ideas and important battles. Having said that, but we can not give up a serious and orderly reading of 900, which enhances the processing and achievements, but also individuals in the context of historical reference, the objective and subjective reasons why the Communists in Italy are under current conditions. Only in this way will eliminate the risk of creating a residual identitarism interested in living a pension by now exhausted. If this is done on impact with the class conflict, will again be a credible communist party, whose ultimate goal is the revolution of social relations of production made for a society without exploitation of free and equal.
We rightly suspicious of those who speak the next elections as the only objective in carrying on. E’ "buona pratica" evitare un elettoralismo tanto miope quanto inefficace. Sia benvenuta dunque la dura lezione dell’Arcobaleno se si capisce che non è possibile cambiare semplicemente con un altro schema elettorale, ma che bisogna invece mettere in campo una sfida strategica.
La "confusione" di esperienze politiche, movimenti, reti ed associazioni devono trovare un punto, uno spazio, magari inedito di organizzazione. Si è partiti da un appello per l’unità dei comunisti, lo si allarghi agli anticapitalisti, agli antagonisti, a chi vuole "superare lo stato di cose presente", meglio se giovane e privo di "incrostazioni" politiche .
Parafrasando Lenin, dobbiamo offrire un punto di vista comunista on crucial issues and organize a force able to do this march. There will of the Italian Communists and the Congress of the PRC, we can offer you a reflection of Communists and other anti-capitalist ... It will take time and effort. We need all of you! Your intelligence, your strength, your commitment, your creativity, in short, we need you!
The new Communist Party should be the party of the proletariat with the new principles of depth, with lessons of ancient costume, creativity and organized force, authoritative analysis and proposal. In a word, "raise the bar" to rebuild confidence in us a true "proletarian." Proletaria per ridare senso e identità alla nostra azione. Proletaria per appartenenza e per scelta. Proletaria, appunto!!
