The approach advocated recently by some writers Canicattì, especially by Diego and Gabriela Portalone Lodato, one local historian, the other a university professor, are basically the following.
Praise: The manifestation of 21.12. '47 Of laborers, sharecroppers and poor farmers Canicattì was not originated by the conditions of unemployment and poverty and the accession of the masses aware of the great mass movement then developed throughout the island, but - he says, fully embracing uncritically the position of a culturally relevant and anti-limited at that time - from pre-ordained plan to do (sadistically ) violence, to "blood flow".
Portalone: \u200b\u200bSupports virtually the same argument, saying that the workers took to the struggle against the landowners, by joining the regional event with the aim of their economic emancipation and social-cultural, that is to overturn the secular state of their subordination and poverty, but were essentially exploited only to attempt a revolt, contro il potere politico, da parte dei socialcomunisti. E’ in fondo quel che da prima aveva affermato uno storico locale, anch’egli di destra (Angelo La Vecchia), quando scriveva che il 21 dicembre 1947 “la piazza era dominata dalle sinistre che preludevano alla conquista del potere….. all’avvento di Stalin”.
La Portalone, pur riconoscendo in un primo momento che vi era allora a Canicattì un “proletariato … con una forte coscienza di classe, che aveva inasprito (con le lotte) i contrasti con una borghesia (agraria) timorosa che dopo il fascismo potesse resuscitare il fantasma della rivoluzione bolscevica”, riduce poi contraddittoriamente, con capovolgimento ideologico, the largest mass demonstration of 21 December '47 to the 'beginning of a frontal confrontation between the Communists and the Church. "
Back at the bottom of the old adage reactionary argument that the workers may not have as such a high political consciousness and go down fighting if they do so because manipulated by others. Just think of how political power (Crispi), to fight and destroy groped in the opinion of the Italians and especially the island's middle class, but that he was attracted to the great mass movement of the cohort of workers in Sicily, even resorted to false, supporting the argument that, not the socio-economic conditions were behind the movement of struggle, but a plot revolutionary summit organized also in collusion with a foreign power. (The famous historical forgery Bisacquino Pact between the leaders of the Fasci and representatives of France). And to do just one more example, it is useful to revisit in my memory to the great movement of German peasants' struggle in the third decade of the sixteenth century, the movement originated by the conditions of misery and degradation then existing, and read the speeches against it carried out by Martin Luther, allied with the principles and the powers that be, who represented the farmers as prey of the devil ... ...; devil the time of which we are concerned it will be said by the Catholic Church, have embodied in the "grim" communists and socialists.
To understand the political situation in general and in particular the socio-economic conditions of the working masses in Canicattì and the island at that time, conditions which formed the material basis of agitation, should be kept in mind a few points. According to studies
dall'INEA time, in '46-'47 two hundred eighty-two (282) rich landowners owned 10.6% of the land (agricultural and forestry area) and only about a thousand families of pensioners had in hand about a third of all the earth. There were then in Sicily
257,073 agricultural workers (laborers) who did not even have a strip of land and constituted 38.8% of the active labor force engaged in agriculture, while there was a mass of poor peasants, equal to the number of laborers (another 38% of the agricultural workforce), who owned small plots of land, sufficient the needs of a person is definitely not a family. (In western Sicily, there were areas where the concentration of land ownership also came to 90% - and Canicattì, as is known, a few families of rich landowners, the Gangitano, Caramazza, Lombardo, Cucurullo, etc.. Possessed, each , several feuds).
After World War II, Sicily emigration that place it among the Italian regions, as a second immediately following the Calabria. There were about 21,000 immigrants in the years 1946-'48 to overseas countries, a figure which is then almost reached only in 1950. And which must be added the numerous and extensive emigration to North Italy and the rest of Europe. From Canicattì many workers (laborers and poor peasants, the most enterprising, between 15 and 40 years), with a cardboard suitcase, closed with a string, emigrated in those years, and they did forced by unemployment and poverty, not some for pleasure, how could I support someone above mentioned. - Other than the invention of a nonexistent misery!
There was the historical memory, a vivid Canicattì, del movimento dei Fasci dei lavoratori siciliani, cui partecipò da giovane pure Guarino Amella, ma ci fu anche un fatto di primaria ed eclatante importanza, mai accaduto nella storia passata della Sicilia, nella quale per ben circa sette secoli aveva dominato l’ordinamento feudale: per la prima volta la legge era dalla parte dei lavoratori ed essi infatti chiedevano l’applicazione del decreto Gullo n. 311 del 19.10.’44 che stabiliva la ripartizione sino al 60% del prodotto per i mezzadri ed il resto ai concedenti. Come hanno ben osservato alcuni storici, si rovesciarono le parti e furono ora i ricchi agrari, assistiti dai loro grossi e cavillosi avvocati, a porre in discussione la sovranità della legge (vs. sul punto Nino Sorgi, “Lotte farmers in Sicily ", in" The Bridge, May 1959), and with the direct intervention of the Mafia, with whom they collude openly at that time, they used every means not to respect it groped. (Emblematic were repeated attacks on the two mobsters Canicattì the great union leader Antonio Manyara in the late '46 and early '47, and many were the lies, violence and threats carried out by organized crime "cosa nostra" also in regard individual workers are still alive in popular memory the violence exercised by the Mafia in that period, even with machine guns at the time of partition of the product, in many feuds, including mention here solo quelli di Sparacogna e Mangiaricotta di Ravanusa, e quello del barone più ricco di Petralia Soprana, dove non si divideva “50 e 50” secondo i patti di Corleone del 1893, ma come prima: 1/3 al mezzadro e 2/3 al proprietario, oltre gli oneri di origine feudale, e solo dopo molte dure lotte, nel ’47, i mezzadri riuscirono a dividere secondo la legge Gullo). Si calcola che in Sicilia circa il 60% dei 100.000 e più coloni parziari esistenti in quegli anni presero parte alle vertenze sindacali per l’applicazione del decreto Gullo n. 311 del ’44. Vasta fu pure la lotta dei fittavoli, circa 80.000, per l’applicazione della riduzione del 30% del canone disposta da un altro decreto dello stesso Gullo. Ed interessò mezza Sicilia la lotta, sviluppatasi fra il ’45 ed il ’47 per l’assegnazione delle terre incolte e mal coltivate, ai sensi del decreto Gullo n. 279 del ’44; lotta nella quale scesero in prima fila i braccianti ed i contadini poveri, seguiti da gran parte della popolazione e specie con la partecipazione diretta di operai dell’industria edile e mineraria.
Ebbene, la partecipazione a queste lotte fece crescere una coscienza politica e sindacale nuova fra i lavoratori, che si ponevano ora come soggetti e non più mero oggetto d’uso del padrone, secondo la rivoluzionaria formulazione data da Hegel nella “Fenomenologia dello spirito”, là ove tratta dell’opposizione «servo-padrone». A Canicattì, where there was an extensive and widespread union organization, participation in these struggles swept the whole country, and since even a strong agrarian bourgeoisie, capable of substantial investments in the banking sector, the reaction was harsh, with the 'and declared open support of the mafia, not tolerance, to protect their economic interests and class for the conservation of the corresponding domain, that workers, once slavishly subdued, his head would rise with pride and did assert their autonomy gained . (In the fine book by Giuliana Saladino "Land of robbery", he remembers how he had to say, a mob at that time nell'agrigentino, where the same Saladino operò politicamente : “La legge! La legge! Vi siete fottuti la testa con questa legge. La legge qua l’abbiamo fatta noi, da che mondo e mondo”. Erano invero terrorizzati, assieme ai loro mandanti, gli agrari, che la situazione si ribaltasse).
A Portella delle Ginestre la banda Giuliano e la mafia, con il beneplacito del ministro degli Interni dell’epoca, come più volte ebbe a testimoniare Li Causi (e come sostengono Sandro Provvisionato, in Misteri d'Italia, Laterza 1994, e Carlo Ruta, nel libro Il binomio Giuliano Scelba, Rubbettino 1995), compirono il 1° maggio del 1947, poco dopo la vittoria delle sinistre all’Assemblea regionale, una strage, uccidendo undici manifestanti, including two children. And as claimed by historian Nicola Tranfaglia Casarrubea and based on accurate and documented research, this tragedy is due, in addition to direct pressure from the landowners made the Mafia in Sicily, even the intervention of the fascist X Mas Iunio Valerio Borghese, contacted by the U.S. secret services, who were concerned about the advance communist and socialist. (Is illuminating about the message sent on 1 May 1947 by U.S. Secretary of State to Ambassador in Rome, where, among other things, he says he is very concerned about the "communist electoral victory in Sicily).
Well, just Canicattì, where there was there is a powerful Mafia criminal organization, the intervention of the mafia against the trade union movement, especially in '47 and in particular on the occasion of the manifestation of December 21, was heavy and obvious. (It speaks specifically Angelo La Vecchia, saying that the full force of the Mafia that day was within the circle of the landowners, armed and ready to intervene, and also indirectly bears witness statement made on archpriest Vincenzo Restivo) . Vaiana's essay on this point is on intervention than on the course, including wired, Any Man of the fascists against the workers, is very precise and accurate and I understand it has been denied by argomentazioni e dati di fatto in contrario.
Non c’è dubbio che non può ritenersi una visita turistica e-o amorosa quella compiuta a Canicattì, ospite del barone La Lomia, da un capo indiscusso della mafia dell’epoca, Lucky Luciano, fra aprile e giugno del ’47. Egli, invero, “liberato” per ricompensa dal carcere (vs. sul punto Saverio Lodato, “Sicilia in prima pagina”), era stato mandato dalle autorità Usa in Sicilia nel 1945-46 per organizzare un intervento politico di tutta la mafia. Intervento che a Canicattì, va ripetuto, fu molto pesante, causando anche vittime fra i lavoratori.
Va a questo punto ricordato che dal novembre 1946 al 18 aprile 1948 terrorism mafia anticontadino appeared with a lively rhythm, with an average of two murder victims per month, and developed smoothly, thanks to a vigilant and inefficiency of the police and judiciary of the time. The big landowners and the mafia gabelloti indeed moved with absolute ease and, thanks to domestic and international political climate, there were no convictions against the perpetrators and the instigators of many brutal murders of trade unionists and peasants - (vs. a preface by Gian Carlo Caselli to "The foibe mafia" of Ursetta, 2005).
notation about the last event of 21 December 1947. The days of fighting organized across the region, including that of Canicattì then, had as its objective the creation and application of the base of the workforce. It was not a Bolshevik claim, as they seem to think the historians cited above, but the implementation of the allegations made by Alcide De Gasperi with its bill of 1946, which required the landowners to take the workforce unemployed as a proportion of all ' extent of their possessions.
Finally I note that by reading what he writes Diego Praise on the defense conducted by Lelio Basso, in 1952 the process of Agrigento, Manyara Antonio and the other defendants, it is natural to think that he has not carefully weighted. Would otherwise known as Basso destroys irrefutable logical arguments with the type of arguments made by Diego Cigna, which he praised, he felt obliged to make his own instead. About
such defense, which I invite everyone to read and study with diligence and care, do not add much to what is reported in the paper by Salvatore Vaiana. Here let me draw attention to the unsettling item on acquittal in the trial of the accused confessed Caruso, who had to declare clearly to the magistrate to have fired on Dec. 21 against the workers.
Padova January 13, 2008
louis Ficarra
Praise: The manifestation of 21.12. '47 Of laborers, sharecroppers and poor farmers Canicattì was not originated by the conditions of unemployment and poverty and the accession of the masses aware of the great mass movement then developed throughout the island, but - he says, fully embracing uncritically the position of a culturally relevant and anti-limited at that time - from pre-ordained plan to do (sadistically ) violence, to "blood flow".
Portalone: \u200b\u200bSupports virtually the same argument, saying that the workers took to the struggle against the landowners, by joining the regional event with the aim of their economic emancipation and social-cultural, that is to overturn the secular state of their subordination and poverty, but were essentially exploited only to attempt a revolt, contro il potere politico, da parte dei socialcomunisti. E’ in fondo quel che da prima aveva affermato uno storico locale, anch’egli di destra (Angelo La Vecchia), quando scriveva che il 21 dicembre 1947 “la piazza era dominata dalle sinistre che preludevano alla conquista del potere….. all’avvento di Stalin”.
La Portalone, pur riconoscendo in un primo momento che vi era allora a Canicattì un “proletariato … con una forte coscienza di classe, che aveva inasprito (con le lotte) i contrasti con una borghesia (agraria) timorosa che dopo il fascismo potesse resuscitare il fantasma della rivoluzione bolscevica”, riduce poi contraddittoriamente, con capovolgimento ideologico, the largest mass demonstration of 21 December '47 to the 'beginning of a frontal confrontation between the Communists and the Church. "
Back at the bottom of the old adage reactionary argument that the workers may not have as such a high political consciousness and go down fighting if they do so because manipulated by others. Just think of how political power (Crispi), to fight and destroy groped in the opinion of the Italians and especially the island's middle class, but that he was attracted to the great mass movement of the cohort of workers in Sicily, even resorted to false, supporting the argument that, not the socio-economic conditions were behind the movement of struggle, but a plot revolutionary summit organized also in collusion with a foreign power. (The famous historical forgery Bisacquino Pact between the leaders of the Fasci and representatives of France). And to do just one more example, it is useful to revisit in my memory to the great movement of German peasants' struggle in the third decade of the sixteenth century, the movement originated by the conditions of misery and degradation then existing, and read the speeches against it carried out by Martin Luther, allied with the principles and the powers that be, who represented the farmers as prey of the devil ... ...; devil the time of which we are concerned it will be said by the Catholic Church, have embodied in the "grim" communists and socialists.
To understand the political situation in general and in particular the socio-economic conditions of the working masses in Canicattì and the island at that time, conditions which formed the material basis of agitation, should be kept in mind a few points. According to studies
dall'INEA time, in '46-'47 two hundred eighty-two (282) rich landowners owned 10.6% of the land (agricultural and forestry area) and only about a thousand families of pensioners had in hand about a third of all the earth. There were then in Sicily
257,073 agricultural workers (laborers) who did not even have a strip of land and constituted 38.8% of the active labor force engaged in agriculture, while there was a mass of poor peasants, equal to the number of laborers (another 38% of the agricultural workforce), who owned small plots of land, sufficient the needs of a person is definitely not a family. (In western Sicily, there were areas where the concentration of land ownership also came to 90% - and Canicattì, as is known, a few families of rich landowners, the Gangitano, Caramazza, Lombardo, Cucurullo, etc.. Possessed, each , several feuds).
After World War II, Sicily emigration that place it among the Italian regions, as a second immediately following the Calabria. There were about 21,000 immigrants in the years 1946-'48 to overseas countries, a figure which is then almost reached only in 1950. And which must be added the numerous and extensive emigration to North Italy and the rest of Europe. From Canicattì many workers (laborers and poor peasants, the most enterprising, between 15 and 40 years), with a cardboard suitcase, closed with a string, emigrated in those years, and they did forced by unemployment and poverty, not some for pleasure, how could I support someone above mentioned. - Other than the invention of a nonexistent misery!
There was the historical memory, a vivid Canicattì, del movimento dei Fasci dei lavoratori siciliani, cui partecipò da giovane pure Guarino Amella, ma ci fu anche un fatto di primaria ed eclatante importanza, mai accaduto nella storia passata della Sicilia, nella quale per ben circa sette secoli aveva dominato l’ordinamento feudale: per la prima volta la legge era dalla parte dei lavoratori ed essi infatti chiedevano l’applicazione del decreto Gullo n. 311 del 19.10.’44 che stabiliva la ripartizione sino al 60% del prodotto per i mezzadri ed il resto ai concedenti. Come hanno ben osservato alcuni storici, si rovesciarono le parti e furono ora i ricchi agrari, assistiti dai loro grossi e cavillosi avvocati, a porre in discussione la sovranità della legge (vs. sul punto Nino Sorgi, “Lotte farmers in Sicily ", in" The Bridge, May 1959), and with the direct intervention of the Mafia, with whom they collude openly at that time, they used every means not to respect it groped. (Emblematic were repeated attacks on the two mobsters Canicattì the great union leader Antonio Manyara in the late '46 and early '47, and many were the lies, violence and threats carried out by organized crime "cosa nostra" also in regard individual workers are still alive in popular memory the violence exercised by the Mafia in that period, even with machine guns at the time of partition of the product, in many feuds, including mention here solo quelli di Sparacogna e Mangiaricotta di Ravanusa, e quello del barone più ricco di Petralia Soprana, dove non si divideva “50 e 50” secondo i patti di Corleone del 1893, ma come prima: 1/3 al mezzadro e 2/3 al proprietario, oltre gli oneri di origine feudale, e solo dopo molte dure lotte, nel ’47, i mezzadri riuscirono a dividere secondo la legge Gullo). Si calcola che in Sicilia circa il 60% dei 100.000 e più coloni parziari esistenti in quegli anni presero parte alle vertenze sindacali per l’applicazione del decreto Gullo n. 311 del ’44. Vasta fu pure la lotta dei fittavoli, circa 80.000, per l’applicazione della riduzione del 30% del canone disposta da un altro decreto dello stesso Gullo. Ed interessò mezza Sicilia la lotta, sviluppatasi fra il ’45 ed il ’47 per l’assegnazione delle terre incolte e mal coltivate, ai sensi del decreto Gullo n. 279 del ’44; lotta nella quale scesero in prima fila i braccianti ed i contadini poveri, seguiti da gran parte della popolazione e specie con la partecipazione diretta di operai dell’industria edile e mineraria.
Ebbene, la partecipazione a queste lotte fece crescere una coscienza politica e sindacale nuova fra i lavoratori, che si ponevano ora come soggetti e non più mero oggetto d’uso del padrone, secondo la rivoluzionaria formulazione data da Hegel nella “Fenomenologia dello spirito”, là ove tratta dell’opposizione «servo-padrone». A Canicattì, where there was an extensive and widespread union organization, participation in these struggles swept the whole country, and since even a strong agrarian bourgeoisie, capable of substantial investments in the banking sector, the reaction was harsh, with the 'and declared open support of the mafia, not tolerance, to protect their economic interests and class for the conservation of the corresponding domain, that workers, once slavishly subdued, his head would rise with pride and did assert their autonomy gained . (In the fine book by Giuliana Saladino "Land of robbery", he remembers how he had to say, a mob at that time nell'agrigentino, where the same Saladino operò politicamente : “La legge! La legge! Vi siete fottuti la testa con questa legge. La legge qua l’abbiamo fatta noi, da che mondo e mondo”. Erano invero terrorizzati, assieme ai loro mandanti, gli agrari, che la situazione si ribaltasse).
A Portella delle Ginestre la banda Giuliano e la mafia, con il beneplacito del ministro degli Interni dell’epoca, come più volte ebbe a testimoniare Li Causi (e come sostengono Sandro Provvisionato, in Misteri d'Italia, Laterza 1994, e Carlo Ruta, nel libro Il binomio Giuliano Scelba, Rubbettino 1995), compirono il 1° maggio del 1947, poco dopo la vittoria delle sinistre all’Assemblea regionale, una strage, uccidendo undici manifestanti, including two children. And as claimed by historian Nicola Tranfaglia Casarrubea and based on accurate and documented research, this tragedy is due, in addition to direct pressure from the landowners made the Mafia in Sicily, even the intervention of the fascist X Mas Iunio Valerio Borghese, contacted by the U.S. secret services, who were concerned about the advance communist and socialist. (Is illuminating about the message sent on 1 May 1947 by U.S. Secretary of State to Ambassador in Rome, where, among other things, he says he is very concerned about the "communist electoral victory in Sicily).
Well, just Canicattì, where there was there is a powerful Mafia criminal organization, the intervention of the mafia against the trade union movement, especially in '47 and in particular on the occasion of the manifestation of December 21, was heavy and obvious. (It speaks specifically Angelo La Vecchia, saying that the full force of the Mafia that day was within the circle of the landowners, armed and ready to intervene, and also indirectly bears witness statement made on archpriest Vincenzo Restivo) . Vaiana's essay on this point is on intervention than on the course, including wired, Any Man of the fascists against the workers, is very precise and accurate and I understand it has been denied by argomentazioni e dati di fatto in contrario.
Non c’è dubbio che non può ritenersi una visita turistica e-o amorosa quella compiuta a Canicattì, ospite del barone La Lomia, da un capo indiscusso della mafia dell’epoca, Lucky Luciano, fra aprile e giugno del ’47. Egli, invero, “liberato” per ricompensa dal carcere (vs. sul punto Saverio Lodato, “Sicilia in prima pagina”), era stato mandato dalle autorità Usa in Sicilia nel 1945-46 per organizzare un intervento politico di tutta la mafia. Intervento che a Canicattì, va ripetuto, fu molto pesante, causando anche vittime fra i lavoratori.
Va a questo punto ricordato che dal novembre 1946 al 18 aprile 1948 terrorism mafia anticontadino appeared with a lively rhythm, with an average of two murder victims per month, and developed smoothly, thanks to a vigilant and inefficiency of the police and judiciary of the time. The big landowners and the mafia gabelloti indeed moved with absolute ease and, thanks to domestic and international political climate, there were no convictions against the perpetrators and the instigators of many brutal murders of trade unionists and peasants - (vs. a preface by Gian Carlo Caselli to "The foibe mafia" of Ursetta, 2005).
notation about the last event of 21 December 1947. The days of fighting organized across the region, including that of Canicattì then, had as its objective the creation and application of the base of the workforce. It was not a Bolshevik claim, as they seem to think the historians cited above, but the implementation of the allegations made by Alcide De Gasperi with its bill of 1946, which required the landowners to take the workforce unemployed as a proportion of all ' extent of their possessions.
Finally I note that by reading what he writes Diego Praise on the defense conducted by Lelio Basso, in 1952 the process of Agrigento, Manyara Antonio and the other defendants, it is natural to think that he has not carefully weighted. Would otherwise known as Basso destroys irrefutable logical arguments with the type of arguments made by Diego Cigna, which he praised, he felt obliged to make his own instead. About
such defense, which I invite everyone to read and study with diligence and care, do not add much to what is reported in the paper by Salvatore Vaiana. Here let me draw attention to the unsettling item on acquittal in the trial of the accused confessed Caruso, who had to declare clearly to the magistrate to have fired on Dec. 21 against the workers.
Padova January 13, 2008
louis Ficarra
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