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Intervento del prof. G. C. Marino alla presentazione del libro "La Sicilia delle stragi" a Canicattì il 18 gennaio 2008.
Ringrazio gli organizzatori della manifestazione, i presenti, coloro che hanno svolto delle splendide relazioni su questo libro, che mi appartiene in quanto regista di un’operazione culturale che vuole essere un’operazione civile di riscrittura della storia della Sicilia, una riflessione della storia della Sicilia da un punto di vista dal quale non era mai stata studiata: le sofferenze tragiche del popolo siciliano che ha subito le stragi. Questo è il senso, anche al di là di quella che è la mia produzione sull’argomento, la “Storia della mafia”, per esempio, che qualcuno forse ha letto.
L’attenzione is paid to the dynamics of the phenomenon and also the possibility of being subjected to accusations of antisicilianismo which, however, have been asked by colleagues near and very reputable. This book shows at least the credibility of the interpretive approach that I followed for the purpose of enhancement of Sicilian culture as culture "pierced", as a culture "crucified" by the ruling classes that have followed and which unfortunately have been the power.
This is a book that already has a significant success for the goodness of the readers of readers all over Italy and Sicily, so what you see here are the latest edition copies of nearly depleted, while the editor is taking steps to send to the printer for printing a new edition revised and corrected.
It 'a fact to be noted with satisfaction the fact that now, precisely because of the good fortune of this book, including the massacre of Canicattì, the tragic event of this your country, is henceforth known by many readers around 'Italy. Much of the credit belongs mainly to the excellent, illuminating, rich essay by Salvatore Vaiana. It is not the first time Vaiana contributes decisively to create attention on the history of scientific Canicattì, often at regional level, but this time, we can say, at national level.
Of course, it must be said, the massacre Canicattì is not the only one mentioned in the book. Even in the final history written by a student of mine named Mario Siragusa, you go over this journey of suffering of the Sicilian people who suffered violence by the power of the eighteenth century to the present: a history clarifies that this story has been a long time , once much more than a century.
also restrict only to take the final period, which is to dwell on which the authors of the book (the historical period the nineteenth century to the present day), the massacres have been many. However, the fallen, in terms of mere calculation quantity, not in Sicily were so numerous as to create a situazione minimamente comparabile con quella alla quale ci sta abituando la cronaca di questi terribili anni del nuovo Millennio. La sola strage a seguito dell’attentato terroristico alle Twin Tower, a New York, ha provocato circa 3.000 morti. Invece, tutte le stragi siciliane, dall’Ottocento al Novecento, per numero di morti sono al di sotto di quelle che si sono registrate e purtroppo continuano a registrarsi in paesi come l’Afghanistan, l’Iraq e la Palestina.
Però, le stragi siciliane hanno una specificità (su questa specificità ho fortemente insistito) sul lungo percorso del dramma del potere in Sicilia dall’Ottocento ai nostri giorni. Che cosa, riferendomi a tale specificità, ho tentato di capire e che cosa ritengo d’avere capito? Mi è parso di capire e di poter scrivere che le stragi siciliane (siciliane, appunto, perché compiute in Sicilia) rappresentano e concretizzano tutta la perfidia della tradizione dei ceti dominanti dell’isola. Ben più che le altre stragi accadute nel mondo, quelle siciliane sono stragi perfide, calcolate, strategiche, non necessariamente sanguinose. Anche il calcolo dei morti fa parte del calcolo, della perfidia di queste stragi. L’importante è realizzarle con l’obiettivo di impaurire quelli che i mandanti considerano loro nemici e di creare, al di là della stessa paura provocata dall’evento, un clima di terrore, possibilmente da stabilizzare, da rendere continuously. They are, therefore, of the massacres that obey to a very sophisticated insight into the dominating power of fear. So, to put it another way, massacres, to create fear, they tend to make in order to ensnare the rampant forces that oppose the power. This is the strategy.
Who is responsible? I want to say a word to the police, the army. But you you imagine a young lieutenant who shoots a wedge against the farmers of Canicattì, he a poor man of the North, made from jailer to other poor people? Unfortunately this is often the case: poor mobilized with the weapons against other poor people. So, I say, lies with the State? No. Usually the dynamics of events responded to a precise strategy of local strongmen (the nobles, the nobles, their accomplices FIDAC mafia) to induce the soldier of the North, the poor lieutenant of Cuneo, to shoot in defense of an "order (ie a social structure) it was they and only they, in fact the local rulers, felt threatened by any, even mild and barely visible, popular initiative for social justice. Mind you, this operation was carried out in Sicily - and the book documents it - since the time of the Fasci Siciliani who were also the time of the repression of those beams, one of those popular organizations. Usually, how things? Took place in piazze dei paesi e delle città delle manifestazioni di lotta dei cosiddetti “fascianti”. Manifestazioni di lotta sostanzialmente pacifiche, che al massimo avrebbero potuto impressionare per le loro parole d’ordine di protesta, per la foga di un’opposizione alle ingiustizie che, naturalmente, conteneva anche la forza profonda di un’opposizione politica ai ceti dominanti. Ed era proprio quest’opposizione politica quel che si voleva ad ogni costo bloccare, dalle postazioni dei cosiddetti “galantuomini” rinserrati nei così detti “Casini dei nobili”. E come la si bloccava? Si creavano le condizioni perché la forza di riscatto sociale implicita in tale elementare opposizione politica finisse to really disturb the public order. The operation was as simple as perfidious: usually infiltrate the popular manifestations of the famous field guards (who were the killers in the service of "gentlemen", the Mafia or the "friends of friends"). Keeper of that nature were always present in the manifestations of the Fasci Siciliani repressed by the police. The role of infiltration, or the instigator of the "policeman" in the crowd, it was usually to attack the police, or at least create the conditions that they did fear a future degeneration of popular protest in subversive actions. It was very easy in such situations, the lieutenant be frightened, warned that an emergency to face, fearing himself to be involved with threats to his life. So scared, ordered the fire and made fire. It usually happens that way. The responsibility was then the state? Yes, in the sense of responsibility a mere "technical" of the police or the police or army faced with a situation perceived as threatening to the so-called order. But the real culprits were those who incited the disturbance of public order, were precisely the infiltrators. Of all this there is evidence. Just read the documents concerning the Sicilian Fasci and dynamics I've described it clearly shows.
I also seems cha Canicattì massacre, which took so many years after the age of the Fasci Siciliani, is explained by taking into account the continuity of the island that specific dynamics of the massacres in Sicily. Even on the lucid analysis of Salvatore Vaiana, it takes a book of which I note in particular we're talking about. It is amazing the number of dead: just four. But it is very important in the strategy and cultural historiography of the book because it synthesizes its characters with a chilling evidence of the massacre of State that is not slaughter State: on the one hand random slaughter, which, however, in reality, is the result of a provocation "internal" that determines that produces it. So much so that - he recalled the lawyer Guadagnino - if he made up the responsibility to the victims themselves. Incredible! no? But this was incredible as they tried to credit it as the truth, so the defendants on trial were the heads of people who were taken to the streets to demonstrate for the application of a law (the one on the positive labor) that " gentlemen "refused. The defendants were acquitted or convicted of that. Convicted for having disturbed the public order on a Sunday close to Christmas, but acquitted of murder in relation to the crime. Then, however guilty, if not stragista! But who were the perpetrators of the massacre? It seemed uninteresting groped to find them. What is important for "justice" in those days was that the enemies of order, those dangerous "red," went to jail. And in fact, went to jail (or if they barely escaped with painful adventures), so that they give credence to the idea that opponents of the "gentlemen" and mafia chiefs were all dangerous subversive, potentially responsible for the terrible actions stragista. Thus, the trial court, it was mainly a trial "political", a policy serves the interests of the powerful, as was rightly pointed out by Guadagnino.
Concludiamo, ritornando sui punti centrali della mia riflessione. I responsabili delle stragi accadute in Sicilia – non solo di quella di Canicattì, per quanto quella di Canicattì riassuma lo stragismo siciliano in modo esemplare – sono stati nel tempo, anni dopo anni, i ceti dirigenti siciliani. Ora, per il tramite della carabina del carabiniere, ora per il tramite del fucile del poliziotto, i veri responsabili delle stragi sono sempre stati loro, i ceti dominanti insieme al loro seguito organico di mafiosi, i potenti che hanno sempre temuto i processi di trasformazione e di rinnovamento della società siciliana. Quindi, in definitiva, a sparare contro i siciliani sono sempre stati altri siciliani. È questa la specificità the massacres in Sicily.
course land reform - the movie Ottavio Newfoundland has it succinctly explained - has changed several things, created the conditions for a transformation in your territory also constitutes an important and significant evidence, even if now threatened by the crisis which is affecting dramatically the whole of Italy. The struggle for agrarian reform have certainly helped to eliminate the curse of Sicilian history: the curse that shoot up other Sicilians Sicilians. Indeed, land reform has dismantled the large estates and has destroyed the landowners with their army of gabelloti and "field guards."
Unfortunately it is true that the old Mafia linked to the "barons" was later replaced the mafia town with its array of mafia bourgeoisie. Hence, another massacre, the "massacre long" analyzed in the book, made recently by Cosa Nostra. And at the bottom of this "long massacre" are still recognizable to the treacherous alliances between the Mafia and the "notables" of politics, or between some of the Sicilian underworld and a certain class state, the enemy of justice. But it also said that the democratic struggles have greatly affected the relations between state and citizens in Sicily and have them changed for the better. The magistrates who condemned our friend Purchase to seven years in jail was a judiciary asservita al potere politico. Le lotte popolari hanno reso possibile non soltanto la liberazione di tanta gente dall’oppressione dei ceti dominanti tradizionali, ma hanno reso possibile anche la liberazione dei ceti intellettuali dal potere di una statualità nemica della democrazia e nemica della libertà. Hanno reso possibile la formazione di una magistratura che oggi, probabilmente, non condannerebbe il signor Acquisto, tanto è vero che è una magistratura capace di condannare addirittura un Presidente della Regione. Ecco, quindi, quel che va riconosciuto: molta strada si è fatta. E questo libro vuole essere anche un libro di speranza sulla possibilità di fare avanzare ancora più avanti, verso il progresso, verso una profonda “riforma intellectual and moral "Our Sicily. It is an open book because it can integrate and each is called to integrate it with his reflections and, if he wants, with his criticisms, which are always welcome and are in fact explicitly requested. Meanwhile, I thank you for your attention.
Giuseppe Carlo Marino
* (Transcript by Salvatore Vaiana)
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